A study of all women in four enumeration districts (respectively in Bethnal Green, Spitalfields, Camberwell, and Saffron Hill) suggests that their employment was not invisible, nor un-recorded in the CEBs. Beachy, Craig and Owens Barker, The Business of Women ; Alison Kay, The Foundations of Female Entrepreneurship , London, 2009; Nicola Phillips, Women in Business, 1700â1850 , Woodbridge, 2006; Paolo di Martino and Jennifer Aston, âRisk and Success: Reassessing Female Entrepreneurship in late Victorian and Edwardian Englandâ, Economic History Society Conference, March 2014. Search for other works by this author on: © The Author 2016. 39â67. The 1851 census was taken on Sunday 30 March under provisions in the Census Act 1850 (13 & 44 Vict c.53) - the last before the introduction of compulsory civil ⦠Simon Szreter, Arunachalam Dharmalingam and Hania Sholkamy, Oxford, 2004, pp. It was then possible to use this information to trace many of these women in the relevant censuses, and to compare how well the occupational details in the registers matched those in the CEBs. 90â8. 1851 England Census. 41. Yet the published figures for England and Wales still covered 877 occupations, presented in alphabetical order, with very little attempt at further arrangement. He was not the only wheelwright but, with the importance of farming and of the horse and cart for travel, there would have been plenty of work, I expect. Search: Census of 1851 This census includes Canada East (Quebec), Canada West (Ontario), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. 52 Census of England and Wales 1861: Little Maplestead, TNA, RG9/1111. Source : Census of England and Wales â Saffron Hill, 1851â1901 . I , ed. Transcripts are more detailed than indexes, and enable you to search across all the fields, such as occupation and address.
Further research is necessary to be able to say with certainty that this was the case, but this study has shown so far that in enumeration districts spread throughout London and the Eastern counties, the census enumeration of women's work mirrors closely what we know of the history of the districts concerned. At its peak in 1861 the enumeration district was home to over 700 women. 8 Edward Higgs, âWomen, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth-century Censusesâ, History Workshop Journal 23, 1987, pp. 20 I also gave considerable emphasis to the fact that the Victorian censuses were usually taken in March or April to avoid the movements associated with the arable harvest. I brought together much of the evidence that was available at the time from those who had used CEBs to reveal problems with womenâs census occupations in the Victorian period â my own detailed work on domestic servants in Rochdale; 35 Judy Lownâs work on the silk industry in Essex; 36 Walton and McGloinâs study of landladies in Keswick in 1901; 37 Jessica Gerrardâs study of the casual employment of villagers in country houses; 38 Millerâs study of field workers in Victorian Gloucestershire; 39 and John Holleyâs study of married women in two businesses in south-east Scotland. 59 Clementina Black, Married Womenâs Work (1915), London 1983, p. 93. But it is therefore important to establish the reliability of the CEBs above all else. The matches shown in Graph 1 relate to women who were recorded as being married or widowed on admittance to the asylums, and include both those who were recorded as having no occupation, and those who were employed. 285â309. According to Horrell and Humphries, the most substantial underreporting was to be found in the case of married women, in the agricultural sector, in manufacturing and in certain service occupations. This article examines some of the key works underpinning this claim and shows their shortcomings, especially in relation to their extrapolation from isolated local studies to the national picture. In 1998 John McKay noted that the published Census Reports indicated that there was consistently higher employment for married women in nineteenth-century Lancashire than elsewhere, and in industrial areas within that county rather than in rural area, all of which pointed to the usefulness of the source. View current Census Bureau regions/field employment opportunities on USAJobs.gov Employment vacancies currently available on the USAJobs.gov website for region/field jobs at the U.S. Census Bureau. Out of these workers, 575 were female, most apparently single. The next section of this article will present evidence from the work of Amanda Wilkinson which suggests that my increasing confidence in the CEBs as a source for the history of womenâs work perhaps still did not go far enough. Ellen Ross noted that A. L. Bowleyâs pre-First World War study, which examined working households in twelve British towns, found that, âonly about five percent of unskilled workersâ households could survive on the manâs wages aloneâ. 4. 29 Andrew August, âHow Separate a Sphere? 30 I described too how Charles Booth, when in the 1880s he attempted to create a consistent series of occupational totals for the period 1801 to 1881, simply pushed this exclusion of women back into the figures before 1881, a strategy accepted by many subsequent historians. In the enumeration districts examined, on the other hand, there will have been some women who were in the fortunate position of being able to choose not to work, and, as such, it might be expected that the numbers shown as working in these districts might be lowered as a result. 18, Given the use that has been made of my early work, and the controversy it has created, it would perhaps be useful to revisit my original arguments, especially in the light of a more recent attempt to gauge the reliability of the census data. House number or name; Name of each person that had spent the night in that household; Relationship of person enumerated to the head of the family; Person's marital status By 1901, however, not a single female weaver was listed in the Spitalfields enumeration district concerned, and only a very small number in Bethnal Green. 19 Amanda Wilkinson, âWomen and Occupations in the Census of England and Wales: 1851â1901â, University of Essex PhD Thesis, 2012. Such work, they concluded, was âinvisibleâ to male observers. 9. The same can be said of other casual and seasonal occupations such as wood cutters and straw bonnet makers, charwomen, rag sorters and hawkers. Here we might include the collection Women, Business and Finance in Nineteenth Century Europe: Rethinking Separate Spheres , edited by Robert Beachy, Beatrice Craig and Alastair Owens; Hannah Barkerâs The Business of Women ; Alison Kayâs The Foundations of Female Entrepreneurship ; Women in Business, 1700â1850 , by Nicola Phillips; and the work of Jennifer Aston. June Purvis, London, 1995, pp. Nigel Goose, Hatfield, 2007, p. 39. From this she and Sarasúa argue that the apparent U-shaped curve in womenâs participation rates in the economy over the period of industrialization is a simplistic rendering of the reality of womenâs lives, and in part a âstatistical artefactâ of official tables. Womenâs Work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives. Despite extensive searches through the wage books and employment records held in regional record offices across the east of England and London, very few suitable sources have been found. If such specialized occupations are being recorded in the CEBs, then this would suggest a detailed recording of womenâs work. We are looking primarily at the very poorest women in society, and perhaps unsurprisingly these were the women who were suffering in the majority of cases with âexhaustion of melancholiaâ (what we would probably refer to now as severe, chronic depression). 67â83; Edward Higgs, âThe Linguistic Construction of Social and Medical Categories in the Work of the English General Register Officeâ, in The Qualitative Dimension of Quantitative Demography , ed. The majority of the census returns were destroyed in 1922 but there are a few returns that remain for a few counties. Bethnal Green, located a little further from the centre of the city than Spitalfields, shows a correspondingly less marked decline in married and widowed womenâs work and less fluctuation in the proportion of single women working. 36 Judith Lown, âGender and Class during Industrialisation: a study of the Halstead Silk Industry in Essex, 1825â1900â unpublished PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1983, p. 335. While silk weavers, stay-makers, tailoresses and other âkeyâ occupations were also admitted, their numbers were very small in proportion to those present in the towns as a whole. 32 However, I did not address any other possible reasons for the geographically âspottyâ nature of womenâs employment, such as differential proximity to work places, or work being put out to family or neighbours. 33 Higgs, âWomen, Occupations and Workâ, p. 69. Share your THOUGHTS! The personal details were given by the head of the household in which the patient was staying, normally the husband, brother or mother. Lieu de résidence si situé a lâextérieur des limites. 63 When comparing this figure with the graphs presented here it is immediately noticeable that for 1891 (and 1901) the proportion of married and widowed women in employment in the areas studied also averages around thirty percent. Occupation: 1851: 1861: 1871: Agricultural labourer, farm servant, shepherd Domestic servant Cotton, calico, manufacture, printing and dyeing Labourer Farmer, grazier Boot and shoe maker Milliner, dressmaker Coal miner Carpenter, joiner Army and navy Tailor Washerwomen, mangler, laundry keeper Woollen cloth manufacture Silk manufacture Blacksmith Worsted manufacture This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (, And I Dance with Somebody: Queer History in a Japanese Nightclub, Marvels of the Levant: Print Media and the Politics of Wonder in Early Modern Venice, Remembering 1807: Lessons from the Archives, Byzantine Parades of Infamy through an Animal Lens, Saving Ireland in Juteopolis: Gender, Class and Diaspora in the Irish Ladiesâ Land League, THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF WOMENâS WORK IN THE BRITISH CENSUSES, REVISITING âWOMEN, OCCUPATIONS AND WORK IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY CENSUSESâ, http://www.essex.ac.uk/history/research/ICeM/documents/icem_guide.pdf, http://www.essex.ac.uk/history/research/icem/default.htm, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/, Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic, Copyright © 2021 Trustees of the History Workshop Journal. 64â97. 59 However, in nearly every CEB studied, numerous mantle makers can be seen. Tom Crook and Glen OâHara, London, 2011, pp. 10 Hannah Barker, The Business of Women: Female Enterprise and Urban Development in Northern England 1760â1830, Oxford, 2006, p. 45. ... 1851 England & Wales Census. This aside has been used by some later historians to cast doubt on the reliability of the census returns as a whole. Harold J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, London, 1976, pp. Occupational matches for married and widowed women in the County Asylum Patient Registers and the relevant CEBs. When the latter received the CEBs they proceeded to âabstractâ the information in them using classification and coding systems they had devised to create tables and commentaries to be published in Parliamentary Papers. Thus, it was not that straw plaiting was being ignored by the enumerators as she suggested, rather it was that Lown was looking in the wrong place for them. 2 The following year, in their path-breaking work Family Fortunes, Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall insisted: âinformation on womenâs occupations where they were not a household head is so unreliable as to be almost useless, and, by definition, married women were not considered heads of householdsâ. House number or name; Name of each person that had spent the night in that household; Relationship of person enumerated to the head of the family; Person's marital status Drawing upon research for my doctoral thesis, I pointed to the numbers of âhousekeepersâ in Rochdale and Rutland in 1871 who were resident in the homes of kin, or even the heads of householders, and were probably not domestic servants but working in the family home. The details in the asylum registers were taken down not by an enumerator, but by a Justice of the Peace and a medical officer. For Bethnal Green and neighbouring Spitalfields, however, the graph shows a steep fall in married women stating an occupation â a decline that proved catastrophic for the families concerned. 5 Instead they based their analysis of womenâs participation in the labour force on family budgets in the works of contemporary social commentators, Parliamentary Papers, working-class autobiographies, and similar sources. For 1841â1901, householders (they didn't have to be male but often were) filled out household schedules, which were then copied, and probably simplified, by enumerators into the special enumeration books for dispatch to the Census Office in London. It may not have been considered âcorrectâ for women to work during the Victorian age, but the âlady of leisureâ was a middle-class ideal, not a working-class reality. The provisional conclusion is that the nineteenth-century census returns are a reliable source for the study of womenâs work in the period, and this opens up new fields of study. In the course of her research, Lown attempted to cross reference the details of the workers she had found in the Courtauld employment registers with the census returns of 1861. 63 Life and Labour of the People in London , 17 vols 1889â1903, ed. 16 Leigh Shaw-Taylor, âDiverse Experiences: the Geography of Adult Female Employment in England and the 1851 Censusâ, in Womenâs Work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives , ed. 33 However, these may again be problems associated primarily with the published tables, and might easily be adjusted for when considering the original manuscript returns. 59â80. To establish the accuracy of the enumeration of working women in London, however, it is appropriate not only to consider whether the patterns of occupational enumeration shown in the graphs mirror the changes in occupational opportunities known to have been available within the city, but also briefly to compare the results of this analysis with the results of the corresponding study discussed here, of the enumeration districts in the provincial towns. 57 However, it is not at all clear that this is the case. Charles H Carel 1826 Charles H Carel, born Circa 1826. 70â1. Many of the unoccupied married women were recorded as being âwife of labourerâ, or âwife of agricultural labourerâ, indicating their low social standing. In History Workshop Journal in 1986, for example, Sonya Rose argued that âmany historians have shied away from census data because of some very serious shortcomings in the extent to which women's occupations are reflected in the enumeratorâs records. The 1851 classification was described by Farr in the 1851 census report. This might suggest a decline in marriage in the area. I did look at some original CEBs, from Colyton in Devon, Spitalfields in London, and Matlock in Derbyshire in 1851 and 1881, and noted variations between differing enumeration districts with regard to the occupations of women, and their proportions in work. 78â9. 51 Likewise in Little Maplestead 52 and Great Maplestead straw plaiting was by far the largest reported occupation for women in the censuses. The CEBs certainly do not pick up all casual, seasonal, and other irregular employment. Sandra Burman, Oxford and New York, 1979, pp. 40 J. C. Holley, âThe Redivision of Labour: Two Firms in nineteenth century South East Scotlandâ, unpublished PhD, University of Edinburgh, 1978, p. 183. Camberwell stands out for sheer novelty, being home to 181 different occupation titles, including burlesque actresses, some dancers and an electrical primer tester. Much home-work was done (as it still is) in the home, in the interstices of domestic labour, and might be invisible in official sources, as it was sometimes to husbands and children. Summary Tables arranged and compiled by L. Wyatt Papworth M.A. 48 Although the ill health of many of the poor women admitted would have affected their ability to work, it might be expected, therefore, that the numbers showing an occupation would be relatively high. The âthree month ruleâ was applied to ensure that, as far as possible, the statistics would not be affected when women changed their economic status. However, such categories disappeared from the published tables from 1881 onwards, and women working in the home were also placed in a new âUnoccupiedâ class. Of course, these women were relatively poor, and we would not expect middle-class women to be represented, but if the women were recorded with occupations then they were plainly not affected by separate-spheres ideology. She concluded that, of the married women working in the mill, ânot a great many evade [occupational] classificationâ, 49 since the majority of the women she traced were recorded as having the same occupation in the census returns and the employment records. Our sources â besides those cited by Edward Higgs and Amanda Wilkinson (Henry Mayhew, Parliamentary Papers, Select Committees, Charles Booth, Clementina Black for instance) â included memoirs and oral histories and our own research was buttressed by the work of members of the London Feminist History network, by the Political Economy of Women group, and by a cluster of feminist historians gathered around Leonore Davidoff and Paul Thompson in Essex. 19. There has long been a tendency amongst historians to view the Victorian censuses of England and Wales as a problematic source for studying the work of women. As regards the types of job shown in the census, if the CEBs were not recording casual and irregular womenâs work as has been suggested, then it might be expected that a relatively small number of occupations would appear: perhaps some tailoresses, a few shop-keepers, laundresses, charwomen, the odd nurse or midwife, a teacher or two per school, and so on. 56. In Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century Lancashire, Michael Anderson described how in households working in mills in Preston, when the parent was over the age of thirty-five, sixty-nine percent had at least one co-residing child in employment. 35 Edward Higgs, Domestic Servants and Households in Rochdale, 1851â1871 , New York, 1986. 2.1 The 1851 Census The earliest census that sought explicitly to differentiate employers from others was 1851. Source : Census of England and Wales â Spitalfields, 1851â1901 . However, despite such problems, in my 1987 article I counselled using the census returns with care, rather than steering clear of the source a together: The conclusion to be drawn from this work is that it is necessary to treat the occupational information in the manuscript census enumeratorsâ books with caution, and that the historianâs use of the published census reports should be even more circumspect. The levels of poverty and the bad living conditions experienced by many of the London working classes during the latter half of the nineteenth century were such that for large numbers of families, the âluxuryâ of the wife simply being a housewife and mother was not a possibility.
Whilst there is evidence of small numbers of women remaining in weaving, a study of the census for Spitalfields and Bethnal Green as a whole shows a decline from 12.7% of women working in silk weaving in 1851 to less than 2% by 1901, and 0.2% of women recorded as being employed in silk weaving by 1911. Removing single women from the analysis and showing only married and widowed women, provides an even more dramatic picture, as seen in Graph 6 . 139â55. 42 Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census Revisited. However, because of the paucity of good employment records from the period (already noted), any studies based upon them must necessarily risk being geographically limited. In some instances, where it was possible to identify a woman through her kin, then these were also classified as a match. 21 Higgs, âWomen, Occupations and Workâ, pp. I covered a lot of ground, bringing a good deal of evidence to bear on my subject, but my overall conclusion was not in fact a direct rejection of the usefulness of the census records, while some of my arguments were perhaps, with hindsight, not as grounded as they might have been. 34 Michael Anderson, âMis-specification of Servant Occupations in the 1851 Census: a Problem Revisitedâ, Local Population Studies 60, 1998, pp. Martha Miller, for example, was recorded in the patient records as being a âBlacksmithâs wifeâ (therefore unemployed), but in the CEBs she was recorded as being âformerly a dressmakerâ. It is also of interest here that the censuses were indeed recording work that was casual and based on the home. These occupations are as diverse as waterproof maker, sweetmeat maker, farrier and valentine maker. 11 Jane Humphries and Carmen Sarasúa, âOff the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Pastâ, Feminist Economics 18: 4, 2012, pp. The preponderance of lower working-class occupations is, of course, to be expected, since the public County Asylums were intended for those who were unable to afford medical treatment. Tony Wrigleyâs examination of the published results of this enumeration shows that nearly two thirds of the manufacturing population in England were to be found in as few as twenty-four out of the nearly 700 hundreds (county subdivisions), or their equivalents, in the country as a whole. It is important to note that many parts of the 1851/1852 Census were lost or ⦠In Boothâs samples and notebooks for streets which were coloured black, dark blue, light blue and purple in his maps of social class distribution (and therefore predominantly working-class), we find that, in the poorer streets, he records on average around thirty percent of married and widowed women as being employed. In Saffron Hill a truly staggering 218 different occupation titles are given, including âmilk businessâ, looking-glass maker, gold-chains maker, gold-leaf maker, and japaner. The fact that the figures are as high as they are makes it improbable that there were large numbers of women whose formal work had gone unrecorded by the census. The extent of womenâs employment, its reach beyond the categories of the Census, its value for family survival and economic productivity and for the shape and timing of the Industrial Revolution (as Maxine Berg and Pat Hudson so thoroughly documented) were our purpose and project; we were arguing for the inclusion of womenâs work in Labour and Social History and for the economic and political value of womenâs labour in and outside the home, especially that of married, widowed and older women. What is actually seen is totally different. Box 434, Union, IL 60180 Phone: (815) 923-2267. In Ipswich in 1881, for example, 100 percent of the details given relating to married and widowed women matched. 1â152. Whatever their occupations in the CEBs, they would not be likely to figure as âseasonal hop pickersâ, and the term does not appear in the published Census Reports.23 My conclusion was that although labour inputs by men as well as women into agriculture in the Victorian period are probably underestimated by the census because of the omission of seasonal and casual labour, any likely revisions would not materially alter the picture of England as having, in global terms, a uniquely small agricultural sector in the mid nineteenth century. 1 This, it has been argued, introduced biases against recording the work of women at almost every stage. Also, since the published census tables could only deal in single occupations, the multiple activities of women were underestimated. Historiansâ concerns over the recording of womenâs work in the census have been voiced over a considerable period. In London the average percentage of employed women who were married or widowed was fifty-five percent in Spitalfields, forty-seven percent in Bethnal Green and Saffron Hill, and thirty-four percent in Camberwell. Lown consulted Courtauldâs employment registers and obtained a random sample of 1,009 workers, taken from a total of 172 households, who were working in the mill in 1861. The range of occupations indicated in the census, and changes therein over time, fit what historians know of the changing economies of the localities studied. Census Records for England and Wales, 1801â1901: a Handbook for Historical Researchers , London, 2005, p. 103. Source : Census of England and Wales, Bethnal Green Church/South, 1851â1901 . Anderson, Michael (2007 a) â Mis-specification of servant occupations in the 1851 Census: A problem revisited, â in Goose, Nigel (ed.) , ed. Charles H Carel was born circa 1826, at birth place, to Mary Carel. 8 More recently Alison Kay rejected using the census for the study of women retailers in nineteenth-century London on the grounds that the source âsuffers from a number of well-documented flawsâ, and turned instead to the use of insurance records. See also Editorial Note above. 62 The Occupations of Women according to the Census of England and Wales, 1911. Anyone not described as a journeyman or apprentice was considered a âmasterâ.) This, I argued, must have led to the under-enumeration of seasonal labour performed by women. For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription. For background information please see the Library and Archives Canada Census of 1851 site. The variations, I suggested, might âagain reflect a particular enumeratorâs habit of ignoring the paid work of women rather than a low economic participation rateâ. Given that the problems with womenâs employment in the Census Reports have been well chronicled already, and that the British CEBs for the period 1851 to 1911 are now available in a single machine-readable dataset, 43 the published census tables are less vital for historical research. 174â82), an early comment on the nineteenth-century census as a record of married womenâs paid employments. There has long been a tendency amongst historians to view the Victorian and Edwardian censuses of England and Wales as a problematic source for studying the work of women. FreeCEN volunteers are currently working on the 1841, 1851, 1861, 1871, and 1891 census. 1851 Census. Ross argued in 1993 that âthe large married womenâs work force in London, often unlisted by census enumerators either because the male âhousehold headâ failed to mention it, or because the census taker viewed the wifeâs work as insignificant, has remained largely invisible even todayâ. Repeated this argument in her women and Industrialisation, p. 712 1983, p. 712 CEBs! I argued, introduced biases against recording the work of women in the early part of the people London. Recording of womenâs work far the largest reported occupation for women in Saffron Hill enumerated as working having..., Class and Industrial Capitalismâ, History Workshop Journal 23, 1987 to county asylums are a few returns remain. Record of married womenâs work in the nineteenth-century censusesâ, History Workshop Journal 23, 1987, pp Revisited. Wales 1851â1901: Norwich, Ipswich and Essex Asylum Records.46 21 Higgs, Making Sense of the in. They had children and had no-one in the 1851 Census the earliest Census that sought explicitly to differentiate from! Censuses of England and Wales â Spitalfields, then this would suggest a decline in population the! 1851 Census for England was taken on the History of the Census England! 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